Michel Temer continues to languish gradually in
the chair of power.
The increasingly violent demonstrations and the
rise of extremism in Brazilian society, which have forced and summoned the
armed forces, are just a few more warnings to the power instituted. Even if
Temer remains in the presidency until the end of his term, he has lost all
strength or credibility. He seems to be unable to carry out the reforms
proposed by his government.
A number of accusations have spread among all
levels of power - legislative, executive and judicial. Now Temer may have to
respond in writing to a testimony hold by the Federal Police, about the audio
that leaked from a conversation between him and Joesley Batista which put the
country in even greater agony. The defense claims that now is not the time to
inquiries, because this audio has not been examined yet, therefore the best that
Michel Temer has to do is remaining silent.
To complete the picture, the Supreme Electoral
Court ruling on the Dilma / Temer case will be resumed on June 6 - possible
cassation for alleged illegal funding in the 2014 presidential campaign.
We have already figured out Temer is resilient
trying to save his mandate. Thus, he seeks reforms advance at all costs.
Despite the reforms being central, Temer is politically destroyed.
As for Lula Inácio da Silva, he increasingly
seeks confrontation and victimization politics, in addition to trying to gather
around him his party, unions, and all movements linked to the Brazilian left
wing. His defense has also been very active, trying to discredit Sergio Moro
(Judge of the operation “Lava Jato”) and obstructing his investigation even
proposing his compulsory departure.
Movements, unions and left-wing parties are in
the hustle and bustle, promoting direct elections, most likely to bring Lula
back to the presidency, and thus return to the same kind of political practices
that eventually led to one of the most serious crises in Brazil
One of the most beautiful and charismatic
periods in Brazil was the so-called "Diretas Já", in 1984. At that
time, the Workers' Party (WP) did not support the direct voting campaign, as it
contradicted the interests of then-candidate Lula. Today, the WP is campaigning
for direct elections, after having already been against the 1988 Constitution,
the Real Plan and the Fiscal Responsibility Law (2000). All these prerogatives
represented social, political and economic advances.
Aren’t we watching a left wing struggle in
favor of its party interests and to protect Lula from prison, rather than
actually supporting the development of Brazilian society?
Miguel Verde - Senior Consultant, Professor of
International Relations












